Source: http://blogs.publico.es/dominiopublico/category/ Paul, Churches /
Carolina Bescansa, Iñigo Errejon,
PABLO IGLESIAS, ARIEL JEREZ,
JUAN CARLOS
PURSE AND PABLO SANCHEZ LEON
another year, the accounts of the Transition to occupy the institutional circuits of cultural diffusion is articulated on an axis as elitist and self-referential and contradictory, on a string of contradictions that only base of tiresome repetition and convenient silences has finally become worthy of credit in speech and creed.
So insistent and monotonous, the official rapporteurs Transition enthusiasm aged weave a seamless story, in which a English village, brave and wise in equal parts, becomes emancipated star of his destiny through the delivery of political will to moderate and centrist-to the great drivers of a transition that, for peaceful, its capacity for reconciliation and modernization, was so exemplary as to pretend to be emulated in the world, first by the Sisters of Latin America and the Eastern Europe later.
few days ago were held in the Faculty of Political Science and Sociology at the Universidad Complutense few days of reflection on the English transition under the same title that heads this article. Many people, from different perspectives and experiences, shared their experiences and reflections on the dictatorship and the transition of the ideas here are debtors. It should begin by highlighting a common place in all discussions: the understanding that, at some point in that process, they stole the story, stayed with her and left us all deprived of the necessary tools to understand our identity and democratic disputes. The alleged virtues
Transition represent an unquestioned element of the social sciences developed in our country, especially in political science and historiography. However, there remains the challenge of thinking critically uncomfortable many dimensions of our social and political, linked to these settlement agreements that gave up demolishing the bulk of the Franco heritage. For space reasons, we do not address institutional matters here more or less traveled recently in the public and certainly central to the conservative straitjacket designed in Transition (electoral system, monarchy, national issues, closure of the right to truth, reparation and justice), to address other key issues in maintaining their social hegemony.
To date, a quick look at the situation of public education in Spain reveals a string of anomalies difficult to understand democracy. A third of children and youth in Spain studying in private schools or arranged. 70% of these schools are Catholic. In 2003, the concerted or private Catholic schools received state funding of about EUR 2,700 million, excluding the budget to fund the teaching of the subject of religion in public schools. Can you understand this reality without reference to the Concordat, without analyzing who signed those agreements and who have sustained? Do we know that public funds transferred to this religious institution is approximately equivalent to those required to implement the public kindergarten? What happened to the Catholic Church when Franco died? Where, for example, left the chain Cope?
social spending in Spain has now reached 19% of GDP. Located 10 points below the European average and 20 points behind Sweden. In this field Professor Vicente Navarro explains how transparency wrenching social class now weighs the average life expectancy: the five layers that separate the high financial bourgeoisie and unskilled workers have experienced unemployment, ten years apart. How can this be happening in a country that has been governed by a center-left course for 18 of the last 26 years? Why, for example, oral health is not included in Social Security? Is it possible to explain this social deficit without denouncing the role played by unions hegemonic? When and how did some major unions and others not? What was signed in the Moncloa Pacts?
The absence of government intervention deepening of the democracy in the field of industry cultural media and color cathode lit our leap of premodern postmodernism. They are still continually evaluate and drills in many cultural arenas (universities, research, cultural policies, media empires ....) The display of cultural modernization in the move served multiple purposes of disorientation and legitimacy, but the party had dire consequences: in addition to the lost generation of heroin in the eighties, today we are the country in the world with the highest rate of consumption cocaine and other leading positions in consumer and addiction. When did this start? Are we aware how to weight in our culture civic life of the show dressed to party? How do our institutions work to achieve critical culture that requires the democratic life?
As time passes, they accumulate the unanswered questions about our ever-present history. We can continue as before: we write the questions in a notebook, we keep in the bottom drawer and return to call the pilots of the Transition to tell us the story of democratic landing. Or we can take another step forward, to subvert the orders of our history and his speeches and begin to understand where we are and how we got here. Are opening roads: inundémoslos with old and new stories and deal once fighting performances.
Carolina Bescansa, Errejón Inigo, Pablo Iglesias, Ariel Jerez, Juan Carlos Monedero and Pablo Sánchez León are professors-researchers of the Faculty of Political Science and Sociology (UCM)
Mikel Illustration
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